Цитирую статью Акипресс от 31 марта "День 31 марта: Две стройки-мечты – железная дорога из Китая и мусороперерабатывающий завод"
Тем временем Министерство внутренних дел республики решило бороться с кражами сотовых телефонов на новом технологическом уровне. В спешном порядке правительство приняло Положение о новых порядках взаимодействия сотовых операторов с органами внутренних дел. Теперь любой следователь может проверить передвижение любого гражданина по сотовому телефону стандарта GSM через imei-код. Раньше сотовые операторы время от времени для приличия требовали санкцию прокуратуры или суда. Теперь сотовые компании обязаны будут предоставлять эту информацию.
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А если этот гражданин случайно окажется противником власти скрывающимся от нее? И если телефон он тот совсем не украл?
Tuesday, March 31, 2009
Политика национализма
Дэвид Леви, преподаватель курса «Государство и общество» в АУЦА говорит что Европа была колыбелью (частично и гражданского) национализма. В те далекие 1870-ые считалось нормальным, когда нормандцев, бургундцев, марсельцев и прочих заставляли учить парижский high French и ассимилироваться в единую нацию. А теперь пост-имперская Европа учит «новые государства» через ОБСЕ и прочих что мол меньшинства надо уважать, не пытаться ассимилировать, что надо спонсировать их радио, школы, литературу…Они нас учат что это возможно, финансируют исследования (своих институтов) в этой сфере.
Меньшинства конечно хорошо, надо из уважать, надо уважать их автономию и право на сохранение культурной самобытности. Просто обидно, что те, кто делают это в начале истории делают через кровь и сталь, а потом устами сердобольных европеек пихают что нам так делать нельзя…
Вообще европейское ханжество поражает своими масштабами….Не просто остров, а континент фарисеев.
Меньшинства конечно хорошо, надо из уважать, надо уважать их автономию и право на сохранение культурной самобытности. Просто обидно, что те, кто делают это в начале истории делают через кровь и сталь, а потом устами сердобольных европеек пихают что нам так делать нельзя…
Вообще европейское ханжество поражает своими масштабами….Не просто остров, а континент фарисеев.
Thursday, March 12, 2009
published in CACI
a field report on new Kyrgyz Tax Code, published by Johns Hopkin's Central Asia-Caucasus Institute is here;
http://www.cacianalyst.org/?q=node/5062
http://www.cacianalyst.org/?q=node/5062
А король-то голый: как окружение подвело Путина
[О правилах поведения при евразийских руководителях]
Сегодня, 12 марта, Владимир Путин встретился с жителями Кемеровской области. Расположившись на офисном кресле в тесном квадрате внимательно слушавших его жителей и телекамер, Премьер со свойственной ему деловитостью и спокойствием рассказывал о кризисе, антикризисных мерах, бюджете и других серьезных проблемах.
Часть воротника черной рубашки-поло Путина торчала из под костюма, а часть была там где ей и положено быть – под воротником синего пиджака главы Правительства. Зрелище было крайне нелепое. В конце-концов Премьер не мальчишка вернувшийся в класс в большой перемены и игр в догонялки. Но это не самое страшное. У премьера наверное бешеные ритмы работы, а тут какой-то воротник.
Ироничность ситуации была в том, что индивидуальная осторожность его окружения привела к такой небрежности в отношении В.В. Чего стоило кому нибудь из журналистов или участников беседы указать Путину на воротник? Никто на знает – СМИ могли их этого такое раздуть что бедолаге пришлось бы туго. Мол, Путину указали на его ошибки, Путина поправили, Путину указали на это небрежность или какая-нибудь чепуха в таком роде...Вот и сидели все и внимательно слушали экс-президента, временами соглашались и задавая вопросы.
А храброго мальчика, который бы сказал королю что он голый, так и на нашлось…
Сегодня, 12 марта, Владимир Путин встретился с жителями Кемеровской области. Расположившись на офисном кресле в тесном квадрате внимательно слушавших его жителей и телекамер, Премьер со свойственной ему деловитостью и спокойствием рассказывал о кризисе, антикризисных мерах, бюджете и других серьезных проблемах.
Часть воротника черной рубашки-поло Путина торчала из под костюма, а часть была там где ей и положено быть – под воротником синего пиджака главы Правительства. Зрелище было крайне нелепое. В конце-концов Премьер не мальчишка вернувшийся в класс в большой перемены и игр в догонялки. Но это не самое страшное. У премьера наверное бешеные ритмы работы, а тут какой-то воротник.
Ироничность ситуации была в том, что индивидуальная осторожность его окружения привела к такой небрежности в отношении В.В. Чего стоило кому нибудь из журналистов или участников беседы указать Путину на воротник? Никто на знает – СМИ могли их этого такое раздуть что бедолаге пришлось бы туго. Мол, Путину указали на его ошибки, Путина поправили, Путину указали на это небрежность или какая-нибудь чепуха в таком роде...Вот и сидели все и внимательно слушали экс-президента, временами соглашались и задавая вопросы.
А храброго мальчика, который бы сказал королю что он голый, так и на нашлось…
p.s. очень хотел вставить картинку с путинским проколом, но на сайте РИА новости, например, этого нет. Странно...
пи эс эс. Вот это фото - собственность AFP - это происходило именно там, хотя лап отсюда не виден. Видимо, намеренно.
Wednesday, February 18, 2009
Just published an article in EurasiaNet
It is on the Russian aid to Kyrgyzstan.
http://eurasianet.org/departments/insightb/articles/eav021809.shtml
Also coming up is an argumentative essay on terms of Russian-Kyrgyz agreement, especially 1.7 billion to Kambarata project. It will go along the lines of what Bakyt Beshimov told pravda.kg
http://eurasianet.org/departments/insightb/articles/eav021809.shtml
Also coming up is an argumentative essay on terms of Russian-Kyrgyz agreement, especially 1.7 billion to Kambarata project. It will go along the lines of what Bakyt Beshimov told pravda.kg
Wednesday, February 4, 2009
Kommersant was right...Bravo!
Kyrgyzstan closes Manas airbase, secures 2 billion of credit from Russia
When Presidents of Russia and Kyrgyzstan were negotiating behind closed doors yesterday night, Russian TV-channel “Mir” called this visit ‘one of the most important in Bakiev’s career’. As the results of the meeting were announced it was clear – very important outcomes indeed.
The biggest surprise was the decision to close the American airbase stationed at Manas airport just outside Bishkek. The airbase has been there since the beginning of military campaign in Afghanistan in 2001. The possible closing of Manas became a part of the media discourse in mid-January, but after the statements of U.S. Central Command chief General David Petraeus on January 19 pointing to the contrary, the intrigue surrounding the issue seemed to have come down.
Part of confidence that the airbase would stay came from understanding that American airbase in the region also corresponded with Russian interests in terms of stability in the region and bringing peace to Afghanistan. Moreover, just hours before the meeting NATO Special Representative for Central Asia and Caucasus Robert Simmons told “24.kg” that the issue was not raised during his talks with Kyrgyz officials.
Even though Bakiev promised that his country “will pass necessary procedures”, eviction of the airbase seems to be a difficult legal procedure. According to Bakyt Beshimov, leader of the Social-Democrat fraction in the parliament, the airbase was set up in the framework of multinational Operation “Enduring Freedom” and it would be necessary to reach an agreement with all the military partners.
A second important decision reached in Moscow is the agreement signed by countries on the construction of Kambarata-1 power station on the Naryn river, a project that would add to the Kyrgyz energy sector at the expense of the Uzbek agricultural sector. Tashkent has long been very negative on any project influencing its water supply through Syrdarya river.
Financing Kyrgyz initiatives in hydro energy construction was first discussed in December, 2008 at the meeting of Russian and Kyrgyz Premiers, Vladimir Putin and Igor Chudinov. Then Putin stated that such projects are viable and that they are of interest to Kyrgyz, as well as Russian businesses.
However, President Medvedev during his official visit to Uzbekistan on January 22-23, 2009, noted that “all such projects should be set up taking into account the views of neighbors.” Mr. Medvedev also noted that Russian Federation would step in as an investor only when a regional consensus has been reached. Well aware of the fact that Uzbekistan would hardly support such construction initiatives, local pundits saw this as Russia politely pulling out of the project.
One of the factors playing against Russian investments into Kyrgyzstan, according to Mr. Beshimov was Russia’s efforts to secure the flow of Central Asian gas and oil exclusively through Russian pipelines and the resulting unwillingness of Medvedev to spoil the relationship with one of the big exporters – Uzbekistan.
Added to these were economic difficulties in Russia itself – slowdown of the Russian economy and falling oil prices. In this view, news of a two-billion credit, distributed by RIA news agency, came as a big surprise. Terms and conditions of the credit have not been publicized so far. President Medvedev merely noted that part of the allocated money would go to support infrastructure projects, including Kambarata-1, and part – to support Kyrgyz budget.
Most likely, 300 million dollars were given as a lax credit under 0.75 percent for 40 years, and the rest went to support construction at Kambarata. In addition to this, Russia gave 150 million more in financial aid.
The parties settled the issue of Kyrgyz foreign debt to Russia (180 million dollars). However, it is not clear whether Kyrgyzstan in return gave up 48% of Dastan, a local strategic military manufacturer. If it turns out that Kyrgyzstan gave up part of Dastan this write-off might not have been a victory at all. According to MP Bakyt Beshimov, no one can adequately evaluate the deal unless the absolute numbers behind “48%” are publicized. It might turn out that almost half of the shares are much more expensive than 180 million.
Uzbekistan did not have time to react to the deal yet. Some statements may be made today by President Karimov at the sessions of the Collective Security Treaty Organization. Nevertheless, one thing is clear: in its current form the deal stroke by Kyrgyz and Russian Presidents does not satisfy resource-rich and water-poor Uzbekistan. .
When Presidents of Russia and Kyrgyzstan were negotiating behind closed doors yesterday night, Russian TV-channel “Mir” called this visit ‘one of the most important in Bakiev’s career’. As the results of the meeting were announced it was clear – very important outcomes indeed.
The biggest surprise was the decision to close the American airbase stationed at Manas airport just outside Bishkek. The airbase has been there since the beginning of military campaign in Afghanistan in 2001. The possible closing of Manas became a part of the media discourse in mid-January, but after the statements of U.S. Central Command chief General David Petraeus on January 19 pointing to the contrary, the intrigue surrounding the issue seemed to have come down.
Part of confidence that the airbase would stay came from understanding that American airbase in the region also corresponded with Russian interests in terms of stability in the region and bringing peace to Afghanistan. Moreover, just hours before the meeting NATO Special Representative for Central Asia and Caucasus Robert Simmons told “24.kg” that the issue was not raised during his talks with Kyrgyz officials.
Even though Bakiev promised that his country “will pass necessary procedures”, eviction of the airbase seems to be a difficult legal procedure. According to Bakyt Beshimov, leader of the Social-Democrat fraction in the parliament, the airbase was set up in the framework of multinational Operation “Enduring Freedom” and it would be necessary to reach an agreement with all the military partners.
A second important decision reached in Moscow is the agreement signed by countries on the construction of Kambarata-1 power station on the Naryn river, a project that would add to the Kyrgyz energy sector at the expense of the Uzbek agricultural sector. Tashkent has long been very negative on any project influencing its water supply through Syrdarya river.
Financing Kyrgyz initiatives in hydro energy construction was first discussed in December, 2008 at the meeting of Russian and Kyrgyz Premiers, Vladimir Putin and Igor Chudinov. Then Putin stated that such projects are viable and that they are of interest to Kyrgyz, as well as Russian businesses.
However, President Medvedev during his official visit to Uzbekistan on January 22-23, 2009, noted that “all such projects should be set up taking into account the views of neighbors.” Mr. Medvedev also noted that Russian Federation would step in as an investor only when a regional consensus has been reached. Well aware of the fact that Uzbekistan would hardly support such construction initiatives, local pundits saw this as Russia politely pulling out of the project.
One of the factors playing against Russian investments into Kyrgyzstan, according to Mr. Beshimov was Russia’s efforts to secure the flow of Central Asian gas and oil exclusively through Russian pipelines and the resulting unwillingness of Medvedev to spoil the relationship with one of the big exporters – Uzbekistan.
Added to these were economic difficulties in Russia itself – slowdown of the Russian economy and falling oil prices. In this view, news of a two-billion credit, distributed by RIA news agency, came as a big surprise. Terms and conditions of the credit have not been publicized so far. President Medvedev merely noted that part of the allocated money would go to support infrastructure projects, including Kambarata-1, and part – to support Kyrgyz budget.
Most likely, 300 million dollars were given as a lax credit under 0.75 percent for 40 years, and the rest went to support construction at Kambarata. In addition to this, Russia gave 150 million more in financial aid.
The parties settled the issue of Kyrgyz foreign debt to Russia (180 million dollars). However, it is not clear whether Kyrgyzstan in return gave up 48% of Dastan, a local strategic military manufacturer. If it turns out that Kyrgyzstan gave up part of Dastan this write-off might not have been a victory at all. According to MP Bakyt Beshimov, no one can adequately evaluate the deal unless the absolute numbers behind “48%” are publicized. It might turn out that almost half of the shares are much more expensive than 180 million.
Uzbekistan did not have time to react to the deal yet. Some statements may be made today by President Karimov at the sessions of the Collective Security Treaty Organization. Nevertheless, one thing is clear: in its current form the deal stroke by Kyrgyz and Russian Presidents does not satisfy resource-rich and water-poor Uzbekistan. .
Saturday, January 31, 2009
Another rumor by 'Kommersant" - hydroelectric saga goes on
One of the big failures of mostly respected Russian periodical Kommersant was a rumor (as it turned out later) that Russia is ready to offer Kyrgyzstan 2 bln USD (300 thousand as a grant/aid and 1.7 bln of investment into the construction of Kambar Ata hydroelectric station). The newspaper referred to an informed source in the Kyrgyz government.
This ambitious project, coupled with a similar one across the border, the Rogun HES in Tajikistan, might become a threat to Uzbekistan's water supply. If the said two stations are constructed on rivers flowing to Syrdarya, then Uzbek agriculture will be left without water in the busy season, while neighbors would be producing electricity to decrase their consumption of Uzbek gas.
The big decision maker in the issue, is, of course, the Russian Federation. Many thought that official Dushanbe stroke a deal with Moscow on Rogun. Therefore, a statement made by Medvedev in Tashkent came a surprise to many, especially the Tajiks. To remind (see my post in Russian on bilateral negotiations in Tashkent) Medvedev stated that such transnational issues should be decided together, and taking into the account the interests of, neighbors. He also added that in the absence of such a consensus Russia would restrain from financing investment projects.
Tajik Foreign Affairs Ministry sent a note to Russian colleagues on January 26, in which they expressed concern and confusion with the statement. The note was delivered to a Russian diplomat in Tajikistan.
On January 29 Kommersant reported that Tajik Ambassador was summoned to the Russian Foreign Ministry and given a hard talk over the note. Specifically, Russians hinted that commenting statements of high level politicians was outside the diplomatic ethics. However, both the Tajik Foreign Ministry and Ambassador Dostiev deny that visit to Russian colleagues was delivered (Asia Plus, http://asiaplus.tj/news/19/46143.html).
It seems, Kommersant is going through hard times...
This ambitious project, coupled with a similar one across the border, the Rogun HES in Tajikistan, might become a threat to Uzbekistan's water supply. If the said two stations are constructed on rivers flowing to Syrdarya, then Uzbek agriculture will be left without water in the busy season, while neighbors would be producing electricity to decrase their consumption of Uzbek gas.
The big decision maker in the issue, is, of course, the Russian Federation. Many thought that official Dushanbe stroke a deal with Moscow on Rogun. Therefore, a statement made by Medvedev in Tashkent came a surprise to many, especially the Tajiks. To remind (see my post in Russian on bilateral negotiations in Tashkent) Medvedev stated that such transnational issues should be decided together, and taking into the account the interests of, neighbors. He also added that in the absence of such a consensus Russia would restrain from financing investment projects.
Tajik Foreign Affairs Ministry sent a note to Russian colleagues on January 26, in which they expressed concern and confusion with the statement. The note was delivered to a Russian diplomat in Tajikistan.
On January 29 Kommersant reported that Tajik Ambassador was summoned to the Russian Foreign Ministry and given a hard talk over the note. Specifically, Russians hinted that commenting statements of high level politicians was outside the diplomatic ethics. However, both the Tajik Foreign Ministry and Ambassador Dostiev deny that visit to Russian colleagues was delivered (Asia Plus, http://asiaplus.tj/news/19/46143.html).
It seems, Kommersant is going through hard times...
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